The end of the Cold War brought about the collapse of communism in Eastern Europe, paving the way for an unprecedented new paradigm – one characterised by the end of hostilities between the two dominant ideologies: Soviet communism and American liberal capitalism. This dominant new paradigm encouraged the homogenisation of ideas, in the form of exchanging ethos and values along former cultural, ideological and geographical divides. As such, this integration of world societies has earned the title ‘globalisation’, forcing the global community to appear so united as to warrant the metaphor of a global village. (Note: This paragraph pains me to read – I will eventually re-write it.)
Few contemporary phenomena elicit such academic and
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In truth, its history dates back as far as the sixteenth century, following the first great expansion of European capitalism, which resulted in slave trade, colonialism and neo-colonialism (Ezema, 2009). Throughout history, world powers have continually sought to perpetuate their way of life: from the philosophy and mythology of the Greeks, the political ideologies and linguistics of the Romans, and the art and architecture of the Italian Renaissance (Daghrir, 2013). Thus, it comes as no surprise that the aftermath of the post-war era, which saw the collapse of Soviet communism and the emergence of the United States as the sole hegemon, saw the aggressive spread of American ideals, values, and beliefs. Indeed, just as American goods flooded world markets in the post-World War II era; American culture now penetrates every continent through the aggressive development of mass communications, trade expansion and information technology.
The nature of imperialism in the modern world has drastically changed; it has transcended from explicit military strength to economic, political, cultural and linguistic dimensions (Haque, 2011). Many anti-globalisation scholars argue that contemporary imperialist powers have turned to symbolic means of control, which are facilitated by the integration of Western-dominated global telecommunications systems and the
The United States “regular[ly] resort[s] to war” on the foundation of a “militant foreign policy,” which is associated with a “hegemonic national identity.”3 According to Hixson, the militancy of foreign policy stems from western Europe whose “colonialism and imperialism…flowed from the aggressive expansion of a…worldview that apotheosized its way of life as ordered, reasoned and providentially
From the dawn of man, the different civilizations of mankind have been out to dominate and conquest the globe. To spread his/her’s power, authority, and culture across as vast an area humanly possible. Only in the last century have these ideals been diminished, but for the U.S. during the turn of the 20th century it faced a choice on this path. Was the U.S. to remain to the domain of the contiguous United States? Or was it destined to take foot on the global stage and claim land far from it’s shores? William Graham Sumner, an American sociologist and Albert Beveridge, a U.S. senator from Indiana both disagreed as to whether imperialism was right for the country. Beveridge argues that imperialism is beneficial to the U.S. by giving access to raw materials, while Sumner fears that imposing rule on someone who does not want to be ruled makes us the exact people that we declared our independence from. This is just one example from their different views on American Imperialism.
In 1961 President John F Kennedy put together a doctrine, which altered from President Eisenhower’s one. It was to “Respond flexibly to communist expansion, especially guerrilla warfare.” (Roskin & Berry, 2010, p. 58) It was a time when the Cold War was at its height and nuclear weapons a mass threat and source of power. This doctrine was aimed at using alternative means before opening into combat. This, in light of the Cuban Missile Crisis in 1962, it succeeded in doing.
Next came global imperialism during 1893, which “was simply an extension of the way American had ‘won the West’” (Schultz, 2012, para. 3). Politically, American imperialism can be traced back to the 1870s when the United States began to compete with European powers to “conquer vulnerable resource-rich regions” that would provide “substantial profits and a worldwide network of commercial and military bases” (Schultz, 2012, para. 7). In 1883, the United States began to build upon its military through the replacement of wooden sailing ships with “powerful all-steel, steam-driven battleships, armed with the latest long-range artillery” (Schultz, 2012, para. 19). This also meant that the United States needed naval supply bases to aid the naval fleet in maintaining American territory overseas. As for why America was building a global empire, this was done to support American economic development and to establish the United States as a world power worth reckoning with.” The United States also worked to build a global empire “because many Americans believed the United States was destined to share the benefits of democracy and white civilization with the rest of the world” (Schultz, 2012, para. 90).
Throughout the Cold War, Korean War, and Vietnam War the main problem was communism. Although the United States and the Soviet Union were allies in World War Two, during the Cold War the United States and the Soviet Union were known as enemies. The Soviet leaders bragged to other nations that communism would “scrape apart” free-enterprise systems around the world. This attitude angered the capitalists which led into the fifty year Cold War. The United States tried creating many tactics and strategies to contain the “bleeding” of communism, but during the cold war, communism spread faster then it could be restrained. The United States used the Marshall Plan , the Trueman Doctrine, and the Berlin Airlift to help lead people to a
The notion of globalization dates back to the early modern period, this practice of globalization consists of the international development facilities, influences, and operations. With time the practice of globalization evolved into Imperialism, which is the practice of forcefully implementing a country’s power and influence over other countries, and transforming them into colonies. This act of colonization began when countries desired to increase their supply of raw materials in order to maximize the greatest good. A country in particular who has faithfully practiced the policy of imperialism is the United States. The United States has imperialized
The date is October 27, 1962, and it is a brisk fall day in Michigan. Normally, I could hear children playing outside of my office window but not today. Today, all that I can hear is wind passing through the city and the feeling of despair resonates throughout the populace. The blockade went up two days ago and I want to believe that it will be enough to subdue the U.S.S.R. forces but I am unsure if the blockade will hold. President Kennedy is entirely against using first strike measures because he does not want to enter another unnecessary war, however most citizens have lived in a state of panic and distress. The citizens believe that the strikes would be bad, but they would end the restlessness that can be felt even in the smallest of children. The biggest conversation politically is that President Kennedy is not fit to be president of the United States of America, due to his age and the recent failure, "The Bay of Pigs".
In Empire, Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri report a new shift in the international politics and outline the structure of its power. They claim that a new sovereignty is rising in the world system, and its structure of the rule has emerged along with the global market. Since the global market is eroding the Westphalia sovereignty, the economic factor of production and exchange move easily across the national boundaries. Throughout the process of globalization, the sovereignty of the nation-state has progressively declined in the hand of capitalism. Even the dominant nation cannot be called a supreme and sovereign authority either outside or within its territory. Hardt and Negri (2000) state, “The
Back to the time of 1940s until 1990s, the whole world must be remembered the special occurrence that change the world history. The special occurrence happened between the two of super sovereign states that compete for 46 years. The United States of America have a long competition with the Soviet Union on the cold war. The cold war is a military and political tension which is began after the end of the World War II. This big tension is different from the other war that people know in the world. This war did not have a special physical attack like the previous war, which is World War II. The late of 1991 became the real witness of the collapsed of a great superpower state that became the United States of America’s competitor on the cold war, USSR. This powerful state that introduced the world with its Communist Party government was collapsed in December 1991. The ruined of the great Soviet Union became the symbol of the end of the cold war. This research essay papers will try to give a clear explanation about the collapsed of USSR. This case is so special and interesting for the author to
Many strategies have been devised by empires over centuries, these strategies and decisions have helped shape the world as it is in its present state. The author explains how strategic decisions made in the past were the wrong decisions in his opinion, as John Perkins had seen first hand the devastation that could be caused by the American government in its pursuit for a “global empire”.
Zakaria describes what he terms the rise of the rest as a consequence of the continuous efforts of American politicians and diplomats urging countries to “open their markets, free up their politics, and embrace trade and technology” (60). The basis idea of this book highlights the United States road to being a global superpower and how its stagnation during recent decades have caused a striking shift from America being the world’s only actor to a weakening, less dominating player in the international system. Although this realization is alarming, this actually means good for America. Ultimately, Zakaria describes a world where countries are “more open, market friendly, and democratic” (242) because of the good old United States.
Globalization forces me to analyze who the real winners and loser are regarding who can access the benefits that it may create. The United States has massive domination of pop culture and presence on the internet. I read an article that argues English makes up about 80% of the internet’s content. Considering that there are about 7,000 living world languages this is highly unbalanced. This may lead to the dilution of smaller global cultures as argued by both authors. As we discussed in class, the United States is a highly exceptionalism country. This exceptionalism often leaves Americans feeling a sense of superiority about their actions and values. Baraldi argues that ethnocentrism can lead to positive values of pluralism, individualism, and modernism to be lost as individuals evaluate the behaviors of other’s through their own cultural lenses judging them by their own cultural standards. The United States domination of power in both organic and virtual society may allow for the internet to be another mechanism for the United States to increase its sphere of influence. Baraldi posits that ethnocentrism is present as the United States confronts issues and conflicts with an “us versus them” mentality. This impedes actor’s ability to solve international issues because there is an inherit assumption that those who are different, or not with us are against us. This has been present in many conflicts the United States has engaged in, the Cold War and War Against Terrorism are examples of
In this piece, Layne emphasizes the inevitable relation between US supremacy in world politics, particularly through the spread liberalism and its economic dominance. Specifically, it underscores that America’s waning influence is aligned with its economic situation.
Steger and James have brought the concept of ideology of imperialism, pointing out that in the nineteenth century, imperialists viewed colonization as a mean to civilize “the barbarians” and offer them a better life (9). Similarly, today the idea of imperialism tries to deceive and promote globalization and the values of neoliberalism as a way to freedom and improving standards of living. When it comes to “globalization” and “market”, Steger and James argues that there is a strong association with the notions of “democracy” and “freedom” (24). In fact, they reveal that, “ indeed, a careful discourse analysis of relevant texts reveal that market globalists tend to treat freedom, free markets, free trade and democracy as synonymous terms”(Stegar
When discussing about cultural imperialism, it frequently alludes to the expansion of Western ideas, goods, and political convictions around the world. The United States is not only at present the main cultural imperialists, but rather a worldwide monetary and political superpower and the spread of American ideologies in the whole world is associated with the proliferation of Western products and consumerist culture. A few people trust that the spread of American convictions and ideas throughout the world is advantageous to most countries on the grounds that their proliferations of thoughts, for example, opportunity, democracy, equality, and human rights are ideas that ought to be, in a few people’s assessment, all inclusive. Defenders contend that their commitments to modern thought process and standards of winding up noticeably as a part of the industrialised and modernised world, improve world society altogether.